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Meals prepared by the wife would be carried to the husband at his maternal house. In polygynous situations, visitation schedules would be arranged. The separate living patterns reinforced the idea that each spouse is subject to the authority of a different household head, and because spouses are always members of different lineages, each is ultimately subject to the authority of the senior men of his or her lineage.
The wife, as an outsider in the husband's family, would not inherit any of his property, other than that granted to her by her husband as gifts in token appreciation of years of devotion. The children from this matrilineal marriage would be expected to inherit from their mother's family.
In these patrilineal societies where the domestic group includes the man, his wife or wives, their children, and perhaps several dependent relatives, the wife was brought into closer proximity to the husband and his paternal family. Her male children also assured her of more direct access to wealth accumulated in the marriage with her husband.
Polygyny is more common in rural areas, and a married woman is usually supported by large groups of relatives as well as co-wives. The urban woman is held more responsible for choosing her own husband as it is not based on lineage or her family's interests.
Furthermore, the urban woman is seen as more of a partner than as a minoras she would be in many rural settings. Within the traditional sphere, the childbearing ability of women was explained as the means by which lineage ancestors were allowed to be reborn.
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Barrenness was, therefore, considered the greatest misfortune. Given the male dominance in traditional society, some economic anthropologists have explained a female's ability to reproduce as the most important means by which women ensured social and economic security for themselves, especially if they bore male children. The number of female-headed households who are either widowed or divorced has also risen over time.
Marital status is a significant factor in understanding differences in poverty rates. For example, widows are the group of female-headed households that exhibit the highest rates of poverty. There are social standards that women in Africa have to follow, depending on their culture and religion. An example of this is, president's wives in Africa are required to be present at official functions, yet preferably sons.
Along with there being huge probability of a husband to take another wife if they are not successful to provide a son. Being able to change expectations put onto women and rules that cultures have, is difficult due to having to change the mindset of either a culture, a religion or a government. Overall, women in female-headed households bear more household and market work than do men in male-headed households, mostly because usually the female head of household is the only adult who is of working age or ability.
Men are usually able to distribute work with a female spouse in male-headed households, as most men in male-headed households are married.
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The disparity in land ownership increases as wealth increases. Citing figures from the Ghana fertility survey ofthe authors concluded that about 60 percent of women in the country preferred to have large families of five or more children.
The largest number of children per woman was found in the rural areas where the traditional concept of family was strongest. Uneducated urban women also had large families. On the whole, all the interviewed groups saw childbirth as an essential role for women in society, either for the benefits it bestows upon the mother or for the honour it brings to her family. The security that procreation provided was greater in the case of rural and uneducated women.
By contrast, the number of children per mother declined for women with post-elementary education and outside employment; with guaranteed incomes and little time at their disposal in their combined roles as mothers and employees, the desire to procreate declined.
Education in Ghana The transition into the modern world has been slow for women in Ghana.
High rates of female fertility in Ghana in the s exhibit, historically, that women's primary role was that of child-bearing. Some parents were reluctant to send their daughters to school because their labor was needed in the home or on the farm. Resistance to female education also stems from the conviction that women would be supported by their husbands. In some circles, there was even the fear that a girl's marriage prospects dimmed when she became educated.
Others did not even complete the elementary level of education, despite the Education Act of which expanded and required elementary school. At numerous workshops organized by the National Council on Women and Development NCWD between andthe alarming drop-out rate among girls at the elementary school level caused great concern.
Given the drop-out rate among girls, the National Council on Women and Development NCWD called upon the government to find ways to remedy the situation. The disparity between male and female education in Ghana was again reflected in the national census. Although the ratio of male to female registration in elementary schools was 55 to 45, the percentage of girls at the secondary-school level dropped considerably, and only about 17 percent of them were registered in the nation's universities in According to United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization UNESCO figures published inthe percentage of the female population registered at various levels of the nation's educational system in showed no improvement over those recorded in Even though women have a higher population percentage, education rates are 10 percent higher for men.
Economic and cultural norms factor into the decision of whether a son or daughter will attend school if a family cannot afford to send multiple children. During pre-modern Ghanaian society, in rural areas of Ghana where non-commercial agricultural production was the main economic activity, women worked the land. Although women made up a large portion of agricultural work, in it was reported that women only accounted for Many of the financial benefits that accrued to these women went into upkeep of the household, while those of the man were reinvested in an enterprise that was often perceived as belonging to his extended family.
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