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This had caused the Sultan himself to intervene in during which many Hindus, especially Nairs, were kept captive or killed by Muslims under Tipu Sultan. After this, the East India Company established its pre-eminence throughout the entire Kerala region.
The Nair brigade was the remnant of the Travancore Nair army after the takeover of the British. After signing the treaty of subsidiary alliance with Travancore inBritish residents were sent to the Travancore administration; the interference from the British had caused two rebellions in andthe latter of which was to have lasting repercussions. Velu Thampi, the Nair dewan of Travancore, led a revolt in to remove British influence from the Travancore sarkar [ disambiguation needed ].
Up to this time the Nairs had been historically a military community, who along with the Nambudiri Brahmins owned most of the land in the region; after it, they turned increasingly to administrative service. Inthe unit was relieved of its police duties and placed under a British officer. Nair leaders noted the decay of their community and struggled to deal with issues regarding widespread infighting, disunity, and feuds. This was in contrast with other communities who were quick to unite for caste interests.
The dominance that Nairs historically held from their ritual status had come under opposition. The land that the Nairs historically had held was gradually lost, for there was a massive rate of wealth transfer to Christians and avarna Hindus.
Growing up in poverty and witnessing widespread domestic disarray and land alienation amongst the Nairs had facilitated Padmanabhan to create the NSS.
The organization aimed to respond to these issues by creating educational institutions, welfare programs, and to replace cumbersome customs such as the matrilineal system. It is with regard to the Nairs living in the former areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that there is the most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scant.
Nairs from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions. These themes would primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal system. C Menon had themes which dealt with societal constraints on romantic love, while C.
As Kathakali developed as an art form, the need for specialization and detail grew. These families were the source of the next generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen as the disciple. The low-hanging fabric was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was noted that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging low to the ground.
Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would cover their upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used once to wear a material manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton cloth imported from LancashireEngland, and wore nothing above the waist.
Nair men eschewed turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals. The mundum neryathuma garment that roughly resembles the sarihad later become the traditional dress of the Nair women. The groves would portray a miniature forest made to resemble Patalaand could feature various types of idols.
According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such as PretamBhutam and Pisachu. Pretam is the spirit of prematurely dead people; Bhutam, Panikkar says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very near him"; and Pisachu is spirit of bad air causing illnesses.
They also believed koti from a poor man watching someone eating a delicious food will cause stomach-aches and dysentery. Of these, pulicudi was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, consultation with an astrologer regarding the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of tamarind juice, dripped along the blade of a sword.
The woman would also select a grain, from which it was believed possible to determine the gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.
There were also various dietary restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the Maran subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised than those involving burial.
The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning while one male member undertook a dikshaduring which time he had to maintain a pure life. This involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women.
In some cases the diksha might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which case there would be considerable celebration at its end. Each of these was governed by a rajah king and was subdivided into organisational units known as nads.
It was an inherited role, originally bestowed by a king, and of a lower ritual rank than the royal lineages. Although Nair families, they generally used the title of Samantan and were treated as vassals. However, some naduvazhi were feudatory chiefs, former kings whose territory had been taken over by, for example, the Zamorins of Calicut.
In these instances, although they were obeisant to the rajah they held a higher ritual rank than the Zamorin as a consequence of their longer history of government; they also had more power than the vassal chiefs. The naduvazhi families each saw themselves as a distinct caste in the same manner as did the rajahs; they did not recognise other naduvazhi families as being equal to them. There was usually a permanent force of between and men available and these were called upon by the rajah when required.
Roads did not exist, nor wheeled vehicles or pack animals, until after They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice.
The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place. The landlord was also usually the desavazhi headman and in all cases their families were known as jenmis.
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