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étnico y migración de relevo: Nuevos y viejos patrones migratorios en América Latina . history whereas in other cases it dates from the midth century. Main · Videos; Relevo latino dating. It's interesting, inasmuch it's something i sacrifice on a lot, but this points the premiere a small deeper. I took for what i. Latino dating made easy with EliteSingles; we help singles find love. Join today and connect with eligible, interesting Latin-American & Hispanic singles.

In the Peruvian Japanese migratory context, both cases have occurred. Interviews with Peruvian migrants show that there have been examples of adoption to obtain a Japanese surname. This is obviously a business that is on the fringe of legality yet which is ultimately sanctioned by a judge and may be accepted or rejected by the country of destination.

In other cases, some migrants have their eyes operated on to accentuate their oriental features. These are exceptional cases in which a person can acquire a surname and certain phenotypical features that might help with certain types of paperwork or integration processes.

These exceptions confirm the importance of ethnic capital. Indeed, each person's different aspects of ethnic capital can be enhanced and reappraised in the new transgenerational migratory context. The old motto of many migrants of "not looking back" or "burning their boats" no longer works for the new generations. The second and third generation may be interested in looking back and from their point of view, they have not burned their boats and consider that they have rights to recover or at last claim.

This dynamic has been facilitated by the development of the media, which have transformed, lowered the cost of and increased opportunities to travel, visit, establish relations, obtain information, complete paperwork, and photocopy and send documents.

Contact with close, latent or distant relatives in one's ancestors' place of origin facilitates access to better conditions for emigrating and forms part of social capital.

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But even more effective is the old passport belonging to a person's now dead grandfather, which may serve to create illusions and plans for migrating or as documentary proof for immigration papers.

Transgenerational migration has always existed, but in the form of isolated cases. Now it is a social phenomenon of considerable size that is difficult to quantify yet one that is beginning to appear in the statistics for the regularization of migrants and the processes of naturalization and recovering nationality. At the same time, migrants are beginning to make novel use of the resources provided by ethnic capital, the knowledge and use of legal resources and the reappraisal of phenotypical, linguistic, genealogical and nominative characteristics.

Within the context of transgenerational migration, these elements may have a greater value than that traditionally assigned to social capital. There is a thin line separating ethnic from human and social capital. In most cases, they operate simultaneously. Having a broad network of relatives obviously makes it easier to deal with the paperwork involved in recovering a particular nationality. Knowing the language of one's ancestors, which was learnt within the family, facilitates the processes of integration.

But ethnic capital can also be used independently, because it is employed as a legal resource that is a fundamental component of transgenerational migration. Nationality has traditionally been defined in accordance with two principles, right of blood, "jus sanguinis" and birthright citizenship, "jus soli". However, both criteria have been called into question and have a particular casuistry according to each country.

Birthright citizenship is inclusive and does not make any ethnic, religious, racial or cultural distinctions. It is a clear, transparent right, which is not open to interpretation. Conversely, the right of blood tends to be exclusive and open to numerous interpretations and nuances. Priority is given to blood purity, which is nothing more than racial and ethnic origin.

Only parents can grant the right to nationality through blood. In some cases, however, as in Spain during the Franco era, the right could only be granted by the father rather than the mother, which was an obvious case of gender discrimination, which has now been corrected. Casuistry also occurs in the case of generations and the generation to which it is possible or desirable to grant this right.

In Germany, for example, priority was given to the right of blood, which is accepted up to the third generation grandparents. In Spain, grandchildren's right to obtain nationality is currently under discussion. In Japan, this right is acknowledged for five generations, each of which has a specific name.

However, according to Japanese legislation, each generation has different migratory rights, with the second generation having more rights than the third. According to a government official interviewed by Ayumi Takenaka"Japanese blood gets thinner over the generations". Although it is possible to preserve the phenotype, cultural features are diluted. And grandparents taught and instilled these customs in their grandchildren but the context changed and Sumo competitions have not been held in Lima for generations.

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In the United States, a possible reform of the 14th Amendment, which grants the right to nationality due to birth, is currently under discussion. The purpose of the reform is to eliminate the birthright of the children of irregular immigrants. The children of irregular immigrants currently total four million.

And they are American citizens with full rights. Four options are being discussed: Each case has different demographic implications but if the law changes, the number of irregular immigrants would rise dramatically Van Hook, The criterion for nationality would no longer be purity of blood but rather purity of legal status. In a multicultural country such as the United States, where discrimination cannot be open, another form of discrimination and exclusion has been found.

Conversely, the right of blood fosters and favors ethnically and racially homogenous societies, although not always with the expected results. The cases of Germany and France are paradigmatic. France grants citizenship in broader terms whereas Germany does so more restrictively. Yet similar results have been achieved by different means. France grants nationality to the children of immigrants who acquired French nationality and now faces the problem of second and third generation immigrants who have been unable to be integrated and feel excluded Brubaker,Mestris, For its part, inGermany established two types of citizenship, those that belonged to the German State and those belonging to the Reich or empire.

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The second was granted by right of blood and had to be certified by documentary proof of racial purity. The point was to ensure that Reich citizenship coincided with racial purity of Aryan origin. This was quite difficult to achieve in the case of mixed marriages, where children had to certify their degree of purity.

Among the range of possibilities, Jews were obviously excluded while those of Nordic origin were more easily accepted Garner, Over time, and as a result of the war, postwar and guest worker programs, this criterion stopped being effective. The situation was untenable and the state was forced to grant nationality to those that had previously been excluded. In the case of Spain, there is a protest movement among the grandchildren of Spaniards claiming their consanguinity rights.

There have even been cases in which relatives have recovered the nationality of their dead parents in order to have access to these rights as the children of Spaniards and pass them onto their children. This is the case of an Argentinean who, in an immigrants' blog in Spain, explained that he had to nationalize his father "post mortem" in order to be able to begin the paperwork to acquire Spanish nationality.

A similar thing has happened with the children of exiled Spanish republicans; the Historical Memory Act granted the children and grandchildren of Spaniards the right to acquire their parents' nationality with a minimum of paperwork and requirements.

In Cuba, for example, this law has raised enormous expectations. The Spanish Embassy in Havana received over 25 applications from Cubans in while a total of applications for nationality have been received worldwide, vastly increasing the workload for both consulates and embassies. This wave of nationality applications has elicited contrasting opinions in the motherland.

The "mother" in "motherland" is purely rhetorical. The children and grandchildren of Spaniards have very few Spanish and a great many Mexican, Colombian or Argentinean characteristics.

Because the land where a person was born, the country where he was raised and the school that educated him is what shapes cultural and national identity. In fact, nationality claims tend to be disparaged by most Spanish people. And several of them use the jus soli argument against all those who, quite rightly, and in keeping with the law, are claiming their right of blood. This is how a Galician answered an Argentinean, the grandson of a Galician couple, who complained that his application for nationality had been turned down: Because you don't talk about the motherland or any of those things.

The only thing you seem to be interested in is going to work in Spain. What does "motherland" mean to you? Would you be prepared to die for Spain? Let's not beat about the bush. For most descendants of Spanish emigrants, Spain doesn't mean anything. You don't feel Spanish and you regard the country where you were born as your homeland.

And if that is the case, it's a good thing they turned down your application for Spanish nationality, you and all the bloody South Americans who think that dual nationality is just a "scam" as you say in Argentina so that you can come and settle here in Spain and take jobs away from those of us that that live here, without having to go through the proper immigration procedure and that's immoral. If you don't feel Spanish, you've got no business applying for Spanish nationality Filios de Galicia, The policy of closing up loopholes for access to migration and nationality has its limits and problems.

In time, the children and grandchildren of these transgenerational migrants will become Spaniards, just as their parents became Latin Americans.

The argument of looking for work and opportunities is exactly the same as the one European immigrants used for centuries. The Historical Memory Act is meet and right and was passed in good faith. But the historical memory of an immigrant people such as the Spanish, Italians or Portuguese is quite another matter. Several countries have tried to deal with this situation by demanding a variable number of years of legal residence before allowing a person to apply for nationality.

In Spain, for example, residents of Latin American origin may apply after two years of residence while other countries require eight years. In the United States, five years' residence is required. But the opposite also happens.

There are countries that no longer demand residence to recover nationality, as in the case of Argentina and Chile, which have changed their legislation.

They are interested in facilitating access to nationality, which sooner or later, could bear fruit, encourage businesses and establish cultural, social and marital relations. Countries where the demographic transition process has already taken place and that are below replacement levels are facing a serious challenge regarding the supply of their labor markets, their future and their viability as a country.

In these cases, the population is a resource rather than a nuisance or a problem. In an attempt to protect their future, many countries that are currently senders have adjusted their nationality policies to maintain, restore or increase their population. Thus, the emigrant population continues to be linked to its place of origin while its children maintain their rights.

Morocco, Algeria, Tunis, Ghana, Cabo Verde, Mali and Nigeria while another three permit this in practice or accept a series of exceptions: Egypt, Syria and Senegal. Ethiopia and Niger are the only countries where citizens lose their nationality if they acquire another one. In countries with massive migration flows, discussion of nationality, culture, ethnicity and citizenship is inevitable.

But it is actually a question of integration. For some people, the process of assimilation is slow but successful, for others, assimilation may involve various results and may not even occur. Ethnographic information in the case of transgenerational migration in Japan and Europe reveals problems and conflicts in the process of assimilation Takenaka, Takeyuki,which also suggests that cases of segmented assimilation are occurring, even when a person has the right nationality, surname and even the phenotype.

In Latin America, various cases of transgenerational migration have been identified, which form part of the late 20th century migratory reflux towards Europe and Japan. The most outstanding cases in Europe are Spain, Italy and Portugal, three countries that sent various waves of immigrants to Latin America during the colonial phase and the independent phase, which concluded in the s.

Another important case is Japan, which sent emigrants to Peru and Brazil during the first half of the 20th century Takenaka, ; Pellegrino, ; Lesser, The phenomenon of transgenerational migration is not limited to the Latin American case and has begun to have repercussions on other parts of the world. Relay Migration Relay migration is the result of the combination of various internal and international migratory processes.

Demand for workers, in a context of a significant salary gap, creates an initial supply, which then becomes a constant flow. When the process becomes a mass phenomenon, it eventually affects local labor markets that are covered by new migratory flows.

Relay migration occurs over various decades and is directly linked to the imbalance caused by mass migration in labor markets within the countries of origin. The term "relay migration" was previously used by Arizpe to define and explain the migration that occurs between parents and children as a survival strategy and a form of economic diversification.

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It refers to the various phases of the domestic cycles when the parents, who have worked as migrants, return and are replaced by their children. But in this article, we are interested in going beyond the context of the domestic cycle. This type of migratory pattern can also be called "chain migration", in which there is a concatenation of processes or stepped migration revealing the different income levels in various countries.

Although several cases of relay migration have taken place in Latin America, the most important and structured ones have occurred between the United States, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic and Haiti. In order to analyze a case of relay migration, one has to begin with the origin, the factor that triggers migration and the initial recruitment that creates the subsequent imbalance.

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Analysis should therefore begin with the demand factor at the highest point on the work scale. The case that concerns us originated in the United States and is the immediate result of a labor recruitment initiative in Puerto Rico that subsequently created an imbalance in the local labor market. After the Second World War, U. During the first half of the 20th century, the main labor reservoir for the U.

Black and Mexican labor filled the gaps left by changes in land ownership, meeting the urgent demand for workers for new irrigation projects and the development of plantation systems. The East Coast, traditionally supplied by the south, opened up a new supply of labor in the Caribbean by recruiting workers in Puerto Rico, which was subsequently joined by Cuba, Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Haiti.

It was an activity in which Puerto Ricans had experience. Intensive labor recruitment in Puerto Rico began inwhich then gave rise to emigration to another emerging labor market: Within a very short time, emigration became a mass process encouraged by the ease of travel as citizens and having an efficient air link between New York and San Juan. Mass emigration to the continent occurred at a growing rate. Between and30 Puerto Ricans emigrated a year, while the average rose to 40 during the s.

In35 percent of the island's population lived on the mainland, rising to 40 percent the following decade Levine, By51 percent of the population born in Puerto Rico lived in mainland U. This created a major imbalance in the local Puerto Rican labor market.

The agricultural setting was the first to be affected, given the initial recruitment of cane cutters and the subsequent emigration from the rural sector to cities. Between and35 percent of emigrants left the rural setting.

Plantation crops began to feel the effects of the labor shortage. Paradoxically, the labor shortage in Florida and Hawaii was solved by Puerto Rican laborers and a shortage was created in Puerto Rico, a traditional, exceptional place for coffee production. The international migratory dynamic originally created internal and then international migration.

Workers from Dominican Republic were called in to fill the gaps in cane cutting and coffee harvesting. If Puerto Rico were considered a U. In25 percent of the Puerto Rican population earned less than 5 US dollars a year, while the country average was 4 percent. Half the population lived in poverty and many of them were on welfare. The situation does not appear to have changed much.

The economic factor was the main trigger for Puerto Rican migration. It involved mass migration, which was typical of the Caribbean region, yet does not correspond to the standards of Spanish Caribbean islands. Puerto Rico is one of the four Caribbean countries with over 50 percent of its population overseas, the others being Grenada, 69 percent, Surinam, Conversely, the indices of emigration from Dominican Republic and Cuba are noticeably lower, 12 percent and 11 percent respectively World Bank, Demand was met by Dominican labor, mostly undocumented, which arrived in "yawls", crossing the hazardous Mona channel separating the two islands Duany et al.

Coffee growing is still common but suffers from a chronic shortage of labor. Economic activities change and are transformed, but migration persists. A couple of decades later, when Puerto Rican emigration could still be considered massive, the impact on Dominican Republic began to be felt, which in turn triggered relay migration in a new political context that made emigration possible.

The migratory flow began inwith the U. Emigrating to the U. Between andDominicans legally emigrated to the United States. And during the s, nearly Dominicans visited the United States as tourists.

Some of them began to stay longer than the allotted time and irregular migration began to parallel migration by those with residence permits Bray, For its part, Dominican emigration to Puerto Rico increased rapidly. Inthe census reported 1 Dominicans on the island. Bythere were 10bythere were 20bythere were 37 and bythere were 61 At the same time, the number of Dominicans admitted to Puerto Rico as immigrants between and totaled Duany, Many of them would go to mainland U.

Although at the outset, Dominican emigration was heavily influenced by political factors, as time went by, the determining factors were economic. This occurred despite the fact that during the s, Dominican Republic experienced considerable economic growth and new labor opportunities were created in the manufacturing sector. Economic growth was paralleled by the increase in Dominican emigration, which was initially characterized by being urban and involved the middle and lower classes, which left several positions vacant.

Both factors triggered urban rural migration processes Bray, ; Grasmuck, and Pessar, Subsequently, during the s, the economic crisis and successive devaluations created more emigration.

Inthe economically active population in the urban area was persons inwhich doubled toan increase of percent Grasmuck and Pessar, Dominican Republic and Haiti signed contracts to ensure a regular supply of farm laborers for the sugar cane harvest.

But Haitian migration to Dominican Republic is far more complex and has very different historical particularities. To begin with, the two countries share the island and the border, which, in addition to being long, unsupervised and disputed, has always been the scene of numerous crossings from Haiti to Dominican Republic. Smuggling and undocumented crossings form part of the everyday life of the border, which has specific limits on the basis of a treaty.

Nevertheless, the Haitian population has been there for centuries. Haitians provided the extremely cheap labor on which the economic activity of the border zone and the sugar mills relied. The sugar mills owned by U. The dictator was concerned that the opposition would use the border as an area of refuge and at the same time, he was obsessed by the negative racial influence the Haitians might have.

Inan Immigration Act was passed and the mass deportation of Haitians proposed. Many residents were deported but the farm laborers were defended and protected by U. As a complementary measure, another law, called the "Dominicanization of the Sugar Industry" was passed, stipulating that 70 percent of the labor force in the sugar mills should be Dominican.

Farm laborers were obliged to wear a badge stating which sugar mill they worked in. At the same time, a dual process took place on the border. On the one hand, Dominican settlement was encouraged while on the other, pressure was exerted on Haitian workers and residents, who were obliged to carry identity documents, and residence and work permits.

The exasperation of the dictator, who was able to control the country but not the border, led him to choose the route of extermination.

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Haitians were massacred at knife point and by machete. There are no exact figures but between 12 and 25 men, women and children are estimated to have been killed.

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According to the chronicler of the massacre, Freddy Prestolthe colonization plan that justified the massacre was a disaster. The berries fall to the ground, because there are no Haitian workers to pick them. The large farms are full of fruit. There is no labor. The massacre cost the dictatorial government US dollars in compensation.

Lastly, Trujillo's industrialization project developed the sugar industry as much as possible as his personal business and forced the Dominican population into the countryside. There was nothing else he could do. But when the dictatorship collapsed and opportunities were created in the urban zones, the Dominicans abandoned farm work, particularly on the plantations, which they regarded as blacks' work.

Another factor that influenced urban rural emigration was the elimination of the sharecropping system, which helped keep the rural population in the countryside and prompted the change to extensive livestock raising, which tends to expel the local population. In his case study, Georges shows how cattle ranchers began to choose Haitian labor, who received a third of what Dominicans were paid.

Haitian migration to the Dominican Republic is basically rural and part of the general framework of economic crisis, deforestation and poverty that characterizes Haiti. Ancient Greek low relief. DonatelloMadonna and Child in rilievo stiacciato or shallow relief French 20th-century low relief Low relief, Banteay SreiCambodia ; Ravana shaking Mount Kailasathe Abode of Siva Mid-relief, "half-relief" or mezzo-rilievo is somewhat imprecisely defined, and the term is not often used in English, the works usually being described as low relief instead.

The typical traditional definition is that only up to half of the subject projects, and no elements are undercut or fully disengaged from the background field. The depth of the elements shown is normally somewhat distorted. Mid-relief is probably the most common type of relief found in the Hindu and Buddhist art of India and Southeast Asia. Most of these reliefs are used to narrate sacred scriptures, such as the 1, panels of the 9th-century Borobudur temple in Central JavaIndonesianarrating the Jataka tales or lives of the Buddha.

Other examples are low reliefs narrating the Ramayana Hindu epic in Prambanan temple, also in Java, in Cambodiathe temples of Angkorwith scenes including the Samudra manthan or "Churning the Ocean of Milk" at the 12th-century Angkor Watand reliefs of apsaras. Some front limbs are actually detached from the background completely, while the centaur 's left rear leg is in low relief. High relief or altorilievo, from Italian is where in general more than half the mass of the sculpted figure projects from the background.

Indeed, the most prominent elements of the composition, especially heads and limbs, are often completely undercut, detaching them from the field.

The parts of the subject that are seen are normally depicted at their full depth, unlike low relief where the elements seen are "squashed" flatter. High relief thus uses essentially the same style and techniques as free-standing sculpture, and in the case of a single figure gives largely the same view as a person standing directly in front of a free-standing statue would have. All cultures and periods in which large sculptures were created used this technique in monumental sculpture and architecture.

Most of the many grand figure reliefs in Ancient Greek sculpture used a very "high" version of high relief, with elements often fully free of the background, and parts of figures crossing over each other to indicate depth.

The metopes of the Parthenon have largely lost their fully rounded elements, except for heads, showing the advantages of relief in terms of durability. High relief has remained the dominant form for reliefs with figures in Western sculpture, also being common in Indian temple sculpture. Smaller Greek sculptures such as private tombs, and smaller decorative areas such as friezes on large buildings, more often used low relief.

High-relief deities at KhajurahoIndia Hellenistic and Roman sarcophagus reliefs were cut with a drill rather than chiselsenabling and encouraging compositions extremely crowded with figures, like the Ludovisi Battle sarcophagus — CE. These are also seen in the enormous strips of reliefs that wound around Roman triumphal columns. The sarcophagi in particular exerted a huge influence on later Western sculpture.

The European Middle Ages tended to use high relief for all purposes in stone, though like Ancient Roman sculpturetheir reliefs were typically not as high as in Ancient Greece. In the Buddhist and Hindu art of India and Southeast Asia, high relief can also be found, although it is not as common as low to mid-reliefs.

Famous examples of Indian high reliefs can be found at the Khajuraho temples, with voluptuous, twisting figures that often illustrate the erotic Kamasutra positions. In the 9th-century Prambanan temple, Central Javahigh reliefs of Lokapala devatasthe guardians of deities of the directions, are found.

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Sunk relief[ edit ] A sunk-relief depiction of Pharaoh Akhenaten with his wife Nefertiti and daughters. The main background has not been removed, merely that in the immediate vicinity of the sculpted form. Note how strong shadows are needed to define the image.

Sunk or sunken relief is largely restricted to the art of Ancient Egypt where it is very common, becoming after the Amarna period of Ahkenaten the dominant type used, as opposed to low relief. It had been used earlier, but mainly for large reliefs on external walls, and for hieroglyphs and cartouches. The image is made by cutting the relief sculpture itself into a flat surface. In a simpler form the images are usually mostly linear in nature, like hieroglyphs, but in most cases the figure itself is in low relief, but set within a sunken area shaped round the image, so that the relief never rises beyond the original flat surface.

In some cases the figures and other elements are in a very low relief that does not rise to the original surface, but others are modeled more fully, with some areas rising to the original surface. This method minimizes the work removing the background, while allowing normal relief modelling. The technique is most successful with strong sunlight to emphasise the outlines and forms by shadow, as no attempt was made to soften the edge of the sunk area, leaving a face at a right-angle to the surface all around it.

Some reliefs, especially funerary monuments with heads or busts from ancient Rome and later Western art, leave a "frame" at the original level around the edge of the relief, or place a head in a hemispherical recess in the block see Roman example in gallery. Though essentially very similar to Egyptian sunk relief, but with a background space at the lower level around the figure, the term would not normally be used of such works.

Counter-relief[ edit ] Sunk relief technique is not to be confused with "counter-relief" or intaglio as seen on engraved gem seals —where an image is fully modeled in a "negative" manner. The image goes into the surface, so that when impressed on wax it gives an impression in normal relief. However many engraved gems were carved in cameo or normal relief. A few very late Hellenistic monumental carvings in Egypt use full "negative" modelling as though on a gem seal, perhaps as sculptors trained in the Greek tradition attempted to use traditional Egyptian conventions.

Small-scale reliefs have been carved in various materials, notably ivorywood, and wax.