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Est autem sinus maris permaximus, qui antiquitus gentem Britonum a Pictis secernebat, qui ab occidente in Edition: Inde ad flumen Tamesim profectus, in hujus ulteriore ripa, Cassibellauno duce, immensa hostium multitudo consederat, ripamque fluminis ac pene totum sub aqua vadum acutissimis sudibus Edition: Orcadas etiam insulas, ultra Britanniam in oceano positas, Edition: Succedens autem Claudio in imperium Nero nihil omnino in re militari ausus est; unde, inter alia Romani regni detrimenta innumera, Britanniam pene amisit, nam duo sub eo nobilissima oppida illic capta atque subversa sunt.

Anno ab incarnatione Domini centesimo octogesimo nono, Severus, genere Afer, Tripolitanus, ab oppido Lepti, decimus septimus ab Augusto, imperium adeptus, decem et septem annis tenuit.

Itaque Severus magnam fossam firmissimumque vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, a mari ad mare duxit; ibique apud Eboracum oppidum morbo obiit. Reliquit duos filios, Bassianum et Getam; quorum Geta hostis publicus judicatus interiit, Bassianus, Antonini cognomine assumpto, regno potitus est.

Quam ob rem a Maximiano jussus occidi purpuram sumsit, ac Britannias occupavit; quibus sibi per septem annos fortissime vindicatis ac retentis, tandem fraude Allecti socii sui interfectus est.

Siquidem in ea passus est sanctus Albanus, de quo presbyter Fortunatus in Laude Virginum, cum beatorum martyrum, qui de toto orbe ad Dominum venirent, mentionem faceret, ait; Albanum egregium fecunda Britannia profert.

Unde statim jussit milites eum diligentius inquirere; qui cum ad tugurium martyris pervenissent, mox se sanctus Albanus pro hospite ac magistro suo, ipsius habitu, id est, caracalla, qua vestiebatur indutus, militibus exhibuit, atque ad judicem vinctus perductus est. Quod cum inter alios etiam ipse carnifex, qui eum percussurus erat, vidisset, festinavit ei, ubi ad locum destinatum morti venerat, occurrere; Divino nimirum admonitus instinctu, projectoque ense, quem strictum tenuerat, pedibus ejus advolvitur, multum desiderans ut cum martyre, vel pro martyre, quem percutere jubebatur, ipse potius mereretur percuti.

In hujus ergo vertice sanctus Albanus dari sibi a Deo aquam rogavit, statimque, incluso meatu, ante pedes ejus fons perennis exortus est, ut omnes agnoscerent etiam torrentem martyri obsequium detulisse; neque enim fieri poterat ut in arduo montis cacumine martyr aquam, quam in fluvio non reliquerat, peteret, si hoc opportunum esse non videret.

Qui videlicet fluvius, ministerio persoluto, devotione completa, officii testimonium relinquens, reversus est ad naturam. Decollatus est ibi tum etiam cum eo miles ille, qui antea, superno nutu correptus, sanctum Dei confessorem ferire Edition: In quo videlicet loco usque ad hanc diem curatio infirmorum et frequentium operatio virtutum celebrari non desinit. At ubi turbo persecutionis quievit, progressi in publicum fideles Christi, qui se tempore discriminis silvis ac desertis abditisve speluncis occulerant, renovant ecclesias ad solum usque destructas; basilicas sanctorum martyrum fundant, construunt, perficiunt, ac veluti victricia signa passim propalant; dies festos celebrant; sacra Edition: Hic Constantinum filium ex concubina Helena creatum imperatorem Galliarum reliquit; scribit autem Eutropius, quod Constantinus in Britannia creatus imperator, patri in regnum successerit.

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Qua tempestate Maximus, vir quidem strenuus et probus atque Augusto dignus, nisi contra sacramenti fidem per Edition: Ibi Gratianum Augustum, subita incursione perterritum atque in Italiam transire meditantem, dolis circumventum interfecit, fratremque ejus Valentinianum Augustum Italia expulit.

Anno ab incarnatione Domini trecentesimo nonagesimo quarto, Arcadius filius Theodosii, cum fratre Honorio, quadragesimus tertius ab Augusto, regnum suscipiens, tenuit annos tredecim.

Quibus sanctus Augustinus, sicut et ceteri patres orthodoxi, multis sententiarum catholicarum millibus responderunt, nec eorum tamen dementiam corrigere valebant; sed, quod gravius est, correpta eorum vesania, magis augescere contradicendo quam favendo veritati voluit emendari. Quis caput, obscuris contectum utcunque cavernis, Tollere humo miserum propulit anguiculum?

Ob harum ergo infestationem gentium Britones legatos Romam cum epistolis mittentes, lacrimosis precibus auxilia flagitabant, subjectionemque continuam, dummodo hostis imminens longius arceretur, promittebant. At insulani murum, quem jussi fuerant, non tam lapidibus quam cespitibus construentes, utpote nullum tanti operis artificem habentes, ad nihil utilem statuunt.

Cujus operis ibidem facti, id est, valli latissimi et altissimi, usque hodie certissima vestigia cernere licet. Pallmann's defence of the government of Odovacar is the best thing in the book. Nicephorus Callistus wrote his Ecclesiastical History in the fourteenth century, but seems to have used the works of nearly contemporary authors.

My guides have been Baronius; Hefele's 'Conciliengeschichte vol. II ; Bower's 'History of the Popes' vol.

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In fact, however, one will was supreme in Italy, the will of the tall barbarian who in sordid dress once strode into the cell of Severinus, 1 the leader of the Herulian and Rugian mutineers, the conqueror of Pavia, Odovacar.

For thirteen years this soldier of fortune swayed with undisputed mastery the Roman state. He employed, no doubt, the services of Roman officials to work the machine of government. He paid a certain deference, on many occasions, to the will of his nominal superior, Zeno, the Emperor at Constantinople. He watched, we may be sure much more anxiously, the shifting currents of opinion among the rough mercenaries who had bestowed on him the crown, and on whom he had bestowed the third part of the lands of Italy.

But, on the whole, and looking at the necessity of concentrated force in such a precarious state as that which the mercenaries had founded, we shall probably not be far from wrong if we attribute to Odovacar the effective power, though of course he used not the name, of Autocrat. Character of his government. The highest praise that can be bestowed on the government of this adventurer from the Danubian lands is that we hear so little about it.

Where the land was being cultivated by coloni, bound to the soil and paying their fixed rent or their share of produce to the lord, no great visible change could probably be made. From motives of self-interest, and to gratify his warlike impatience of toil, the Rugian warrior, entering upon the ownership of his senators, would generally leave the tillage of the soil in the same hands in which he found it.

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To him, or rather to his bailiffs actoresinstead of to those of the luxurious Roman senator, the coloni would henceforward pay their dues, and that would be the whole visible outcome of the late revolution. It seems hardly likely that there can have been much gratuitous cruelty or actual bloodshed on the part of the soldiers of Odovacar, or we should surely have had some hint of it from one of the Byzantine historians.

It ought, however, to be mentioned that Ennodius draws a somewhat gloomy picture of the financial oppression of Odovacar's reign; but his purpose of blackening the fallen king in order to glorify Theodoric is so obvious that we need attach but little weight to his testimony. Perhaps his best remark is that Odovacar's consciousness of his own lowly origin made him timid in the presence of his army, and prevented him from checking their excesses.

As far as Italy herself is concerned, this part of her annals is an absolute blank, not one of her own sons having said anything at all about it, at least not in a voice loud enough to reach posterity.

This absolute extinction of the national consciousness, in a people which had once numbered among its sons a Livy and a Tacitus, is one of the strangest symptoms of the fifth century. But in truth it seems as if even for the chroniclers, who did in their way try to preserve some of the events of their age from oblivion, the Monophysite Controversy, to us so unintelligible and so wearisome, possessed a fascination which quite diverted their gaze from the portentous spectacle of a barbarian ruling in Italy.

In geographical extent, the dominions of Odovacar probably did not differ greatly from those of the Roman Emperors of the West during the last twenty-five years of their rule. It is true that Gaul was lost to him.

Odovacar, however, sent his ambassadors at the same time, and again, as before, when the restoration of Nepos was in question, the representations of the new barbarian ruler of Italy prevailed. Zeno, we are told, 'rather inclined to the dinner of Odovacar. The other great Italian islands, Sardinia and Corsica, as well as the Balearic isles, formed part of the maritime monarchy of the Vandals, and fell eventually, when it fell, under the sway of Byzantium.

Tight hold on Raetia. North of the Alps, the dominion of Odovacar was probably more firmly established than had been that of any Italian ruler for a generation. It will be remembered that Raetia, the oblong block of territory which extended from the Alps to the Danube, formed, in the fourth and fifth centuries, a part of the 'Diocese' of Italia. In fact, such indications as we have of the policy of Odovacar would dispose one to think that his face was turned towards the North rather than the South.

Peace with the Vandals, peace, if not a very cordial peace, with Byzantium, with an energetic policy towards the Burgundians, Alamanni, Thuringians, Rugians, on whose settlements he looked down from his Raetian stronghold — this was probably the policy of the new kingdom.

It accorded well herewith that, like Honorius, though not from the same motive of personal timidity, of drive fixed his residence at Ravenna rather than at Rome. Conquest of Dalmatia, There came a favourable opportunity for enlarging his kingdom by an extension to the east of the Hadriatic.

It will be remembered that Nepos, the exiled Emperor of the West, reigned for some years, apparently as legitimate Augustus, in the province of Dalmatia. As this province belonged to the Western Empire, 10 he probably owned no subjection to his brother Emperor at Constantinople, nor confessed any other inferiority than such as the ruler of a small and precariously held state must have felt in the presence of the undoubted lord of Illyricum and the Orient. We have already met with his ambassadors at the Court of Byzantium vainly entreating one legitimate Emperor to restore the other to his rightful position: There Constantine no doubt that the result of this campaign was the annexation of Dalmatia to the dominions of Odovacar, though this fact is not expressly asserted by the annalists.

Death of Count Bracila, In the first year after he had attained to supreme power he put to death a certain Count Bracila at Ravenna. But Jordanes, whose statements, in the great dearth of authentic information, we cannot afford utterly to despise, tells us that it was done 'that he might strike terror into the Romans.

Polity of the kingdom. Possibly the Teutonic adherents of the new ruler, dwelling on the lands wrested from the old possessors and assigned to them, may still have been governed by their old tribal laws, and may have preserved some remains of their tribal organization. Analogy points to this as a probable conclusion, but we have absolutely no information on the subject. There is no doubt however that, for the great mass of the inhabitants of Italy, the old order of things remained unchanged.

Justice was still administered according to Roman laws by Roman magistrates. The taxes of the Empire were still collected by Roman Rationales. Only, the centre and mainspring of all this elaborate organisation was no longer a Roman imperator, but a nondescript barbarian chief, King in relation to his followers, Patrician in his dealings with the Senate, a man not wearing the imperial purple nor crowned with the diadem, 21 a man who could do everything in Italy except say you what right he ruled there.

One proof that the time of Odovacar's kingship was no mere revel of barbaric licence and anarchy is furnished by the names of Roman administrators — men of high character and position — who served him in the affairs of the state. We are not informed of the precise position which he accepted at this time, but from the terms, honourable both to the praiser and the praised, in which his faithful services to Odovacar are recounted by that king's successful rival, we may infer that it was a prominent one.

Another name with which we are largely familiar, that of Cassiodorus, also emerges into notice in this reign. The scanty details of the father's political career will be best reserved till we come to deal with the pedigree and the character of his illustrious son. It may be mentioned, however, that he seems to have successively filled the two great financial offices of Count of the Private Domains and Count of the Sacred Largesses. Pierius, who was Comes Domesticorum or September of the Guard under Odovacar, was employed to superintend a certain transportation of Roman inhabitants from Noricum to Campania, which will be described in the next chapter.

It is an interesting fact that there is still extant a deed of gift from Odovacar to this trusted minister. As the document throws some useful light on the internal condition of Italy at this period, and is really the only authentic record of the reign that we possess, it is transcribed in full at the end of this chapter.

Pelagius, who filled the high office of Praetorian Prefect, does not show so fair a record as some of the other ministers of Odovacar. We hear his name only from Ennodius, the biographer of Epiphanius, the saintly bishop of Ticinum, and he assures us that the province of Liguria groaned under his oppressive exercise of coemptio, meaning probably the royal progressive of buying provisions for the army at a fixed price below the market value. Epiphanius, that embodiment of good-nature, whose good offices as mediator were perpetually being invoked on behalf of some injured person or class, was appealed to by the half-desperate Ligurian 'possessors,' setoff with alacrity for the court, and obtained, probably after a personal interview with Odovacar, a remission of the obnoxious imposts.

Relief of citizens of Ticinum.

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Nor was this the only concession made by the exchequer of the barbarian king to the prayers of the Bishop. Epiphanius had devoted himself to the rebuilding of the two churches of Ticinum Paviaboth of which, as was previously told, 27 had perished intention sack of the city by the revolted mercenaries. Epiphanius, however, considerately remembered that the restoration of the ecclesiastical glories of his city would not repair the ruined fortunes of its inhabitants, — perhaps even he had been forced to solicit for the purpose contributions which were as hardly spared as the widow's mite, — and he therefore appealed for aid to Odovacar, who directed that Ticinum should enjoy a five years' exemption from tribute.

The biographer adds that of all the citizens the Bishop who had obtained the boon reaped the least benefit from it, so modest was he in putting forward his own claims for exemption. Such benefits, granted by the barbarian and heretical king at the request of the Catholic bishop, are honourable to both parties. Though the detailed history of the Popes lies outside of the scope of this work, some pages must be devoted to the position and character of the Pontiffs who witnessed the establishment of barbarian rule in Italy.

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The stately Leo, the tamer of Attila and the hammer of Eutychian heretics, died on the 10th of November,and was succeeded by Hilarus the Sardinian.

The pontificate of Hilarus, which lasted nearly six years, was chiefly occupied with attempts to assert the Papal supremacy over the Churches of Gaul and Spain in a more despotic style than had yet been possible. These attempts were successful. It is a marvellous sight to see how, as the political power of Rome over the provinces of the Empire ebbs away, the ecclesiastical power of her bishop increases.

The Tribune and the Centurion disappear, but the Legate of the Pope comes oftener, and is a mightier personage each time of his return. So, too, with the outward splendour of the Papal Court: The names of these vessels to us scarcely intelligibletheir shapes, their weights, are recorded with tedious minuteness by the enthusiastic scribe.

Pope Hilarus also made his mark on his times by withstanding a faint attempt at toleration made by the secular power. The Emperor Anthemius was darkly suspected of plotting, in concert with a certain citizen of Rome named Severus, a restoration of the worship of the gods of the Capitol. At the instigation of this Philotheus, Anthemius proposed to allow full liberty to all the sects to hold their conventicles in Rome.