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Pipil people - Wikipedia

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The defeated group had little choice but to leave Mexico and emigrate to Central America. Tula fell a short time later, circa A. The faction that lost the war was led by the celebrated hero Topiltzin, son of Mixcoatl.

His followers thought he was a reincarnation of the god Quetzalcoatland used the name as a title. The Pipil armies met the Spanish forces in two major open battles, but were massacred by the Spaniards' superior weaponry and later by diseases. Unable to defeat this resistance, and with Alvarado nursing a painful leg wound from a Pipil arrow in the first battle, the Spanish forces returned after a few months to the Mayan cities in the highlands of Guatemala.

Legend has it that a Pipil Cacique or King named Atlacatl and his son Prince Atonal led the Pipil forces against first contact with the Spanish, the most famous battle being the Battle of Acajutla.

One variation holds that it was Atlacatl's arrow that injured Alvarado in the thigh. This legend has not been unsupported by scholars, however, who have found no historical confirmation of any king named Atlacatl. The one Spanish reference appears to have been a misreading of a place name, Atacat. After the Spanish victory, the Pipils became vassals of the Spanish Crown and were no longer called Pipiles by the Spanish but simply indios or Indians.

The term Pipil has therefore remained associated, in mestizo Salvadoran rhetoric, with the pre-conquest indigenous culture. Today it is used by scholars to distinguish the indigenous population in El Salvador from other Nahuat-speaking groups such as those in Nicaragua. However, neither the self-identified indigenous population nor its political movement, which has revived in recent decades, uses the term "pipil" to describe themselves, but instead uses the term "Nahuat" or simply "indigena".

Modern Pipil[ edit ] Popular accounts of the Pipil have had a strong influence on the national mythology of El Salvador, with a large portion of the population claiming ancestry from this and other indigenous groups. A few Pipil still speak Nahuat and follow traditional ways of life. The traditional groups live mainly in the northwestern highlands near the Guatemalan border, but numerous self-identified indigenous populations live in other areas, such as the Nonualcos south of the capital and the Lenca people in the east.

According to a special report in El Diario de Hoy, due to preservation and revitalization efforts of various non-profit organizations in conjunction with several universities, combined with a post-civil war resurgence of Pipil identity in the country of El Salvador, the number of Nahuat speakers rose from in the s to 3, speakers in Furthermore, we shall discover the multiplicity of ways in which the avatars of the shaman-healer, known in Basque as Hamalau, manifest themselves in European folk belief.

The first section will concentrate on documenting the figure of the Basque salutariyua as well as the Catalan and Valencian counterparts, the saludadors.

Uomini e orsi

The second section is dedicated to another type of seventh-born healers, the French marcous, including their counterparts across the channel in Great Britain. Then our attention will turn to documenting the role of another representative shaman-healer, a character found in European performance art. At that juncture, we will be ready to examine the enigmatic etymology of the Italian term maramao by bringing together linguistic and ethnographic evidence in support of the hypothesis that this expression is a key element when it comes to gaining a better understanding of the earlier and much more archaic cosmology that held humans descended from bears.

Finally, when reading the present study, the reader should keep in mind that it represents the fourth part of a series of articles which have been dedicated to the exploration of pan-European phenomena associated with Good-Luck Visits. Consequently the current discussion builds on the information presented and analyzed in the previous chapters of the investigation. Seventh-sons and daughters among the Basques: Moreover, in contrast to some other zones of Europe, the supernatural endowments assigned to these individuals translated into them actually being required to exercise a specific profession.

Since the entries in municipal records which speak in detail about this profession were written in Spanish, the exact terminology used by Basque speakers to refer to these popular healers cannot be determined. Yet this profession was not the exclusive domain of seventh-born males. Rather the municipal records often refer to the healer using the Spanish term saludadora, the female form of saludador. So it is clear that both seventh-sons and seventh-daughters were included in this category of healers.

The lack of specific gender assignment in favor of males or females for this role is confirmed explicitly in other cases where the healer is said to have been born with other special attributes 6. That similar records co In other words, to date there has been no systematic effort to gather evidence for the presence of this particular social-medical phenomenon in the municipal records and archives of the Basque Country.

Indeed, other documents from the end of the 18th century suggest that such figures may still have been quite active. Moreover, old belief systems tend to retain their force long after the actual practices originally informing them have fallen into disuse. At the same time it is possible that certain responsibilities assigned earlier to the seventh-born healers were reallocated to others.

At times the records speaks of the saludador a being accompanied by a parent, e. In one instance the child was only fourteen when we find him already engaged in his trade, accompanied by his father. Other entries speak of payments for the female saludadora, her husband and helper as well as for their horses. However, there is no information concerning how these individuals were trained to perform their duties, e.

How this knowledge was transmitted from one generation to the next has not been documented. The duties of the seventh-son or daughter included conducting ritual healings of people, cattle, and crops. Although the precise formulas used in such healing rituals are not recorded, it is clear that the services of this person were called upon when there was danger of an outbreak of rabies. Christian priests were also in charge of storm conjuration and special locations were set aside for the performance of these duties, i.

For the region in que This was the standard annual salary for the healer. In short, the annual salary with the obligatory two visits included, was supplemented by fees the healer received for additional visits. This is the payment the healer would have received from only one village, whereas there are indications that the person might have been under contract to several municipalities at the same time.

We can contrast this level of remuneration with the annual salary of the local schoolteacher who carried out his duties without any additional perks for food or housing.

17. OBSERVACIÓN ETNOGRÁFICA

Indeed, besides teaching the village children, he was required to take charge of the town clock and function as bell-ringer. For all this work, much of it full-time, he received 30 fanegas per year, the equivalent of reales As for the two obligatory visits we notice that one of them coincides with the first of May which might be explained in part by the fact that it was on the first of May when the shepherds began taking their flocks up to the high pastures and the animals needed to be blessed before they left.

In this respect, the ritual activities carried out by the two classes of individuals must have overlapped to a significant degree. Since the social practices associated with this belief continued into modern times we might assume that they were viewed with approval by the communities in question: Rather they were recognized as important and productive members of society, providing important services.

Still the exact nature of the sociocultural matrix in which this belief was once embedded is unclear. Certainly, the shamanically-coded aspects of the plot structure of the Bear Son tales have been noted by other researchers Lajoux, ; Panzer, ; Sarmela, ; Stitt, The saludadors of Catalunya and Valencia 21In Catalunya evidence for seventh-son and daughters functioning as saludadors is also abundant.

Indeed, descriptions of them are quite similar to the ones we find in the Basque Country. For instance, in Catalunya they were regularly hired in an official capacity by local authorities. Writing inDe Copons, citing F. As Bloch []pp. This fact also allows us to see that over time the practitioners themselves along with those who sought their services had been able to negotiate a middle ground where they were relatively safe from the Inquisitorial arm of the Catholic Church.

They were individuals who possessed a supposedly superhuman ability to cure certain illnesses, principally rabies rabia. This power did not result from a pact with the devil, but was a sign of divine grace. Despite being faith healers, they were not bothered by the authorities in the least; neither did they encroach upon the professional terrain of academically trained practitioners, nor were their practices considered heretical. This created a situation where both parties benefitted, those in charge of the religious sites dedicated to the saint in question and the seventh-born healers themselves.

As the fame of individual healers increased, so did the belief in the curative powers of their patron saint. Miraculous cures attributed to the particular saint by those going on pilgrimages to her sanctuary or by those in charge of the site would feed quite naturally into the same belief system, reinforcing, in turn, the popularity of the healers operating under the auspices of the same saint.

In this work Ciruelo casts saludadores in a negative light, defining them as follows: This, however, did not mean that in the Iberian Peninsula they did not have not run-ins with the Holy Office, particularly as the activities of these popular healers started to compete with those of the emerging class of medical practitioners, who on the one hand consisted of physicians and surgeons directly affiliated with the Inquisition and on the other there were non-affiliated members of that profession whose clientele occasionally overlapped with that of the saludadors Walker, Saludadores were highly esteemed and were contracted by local governments large and small, in Valencia and in the other realms of the peninsula.

Enguera, a small community in the interior of the kingdom of Valencia, had its own saludador to whom the municipality paid four pounds yearly in exchange for his curing any person or animal bitten by a rabid dog. This position was occupied in by a woman named Josefa Medina, who had previously been given a licence confirming her powers by the Archbishop of Valencia.

In the city of Valencia, the situation was somewhat different. In short, even though they continued to enjoy significant acceptance among the popular classes, pressures were being brought to bear on these charismatic healers. In this respect the data suggests that we could be looking at a network of cultural practices that existed in other parts of Europe outside the Iberian Peninsula. In other words, what were collected and reported as merely superstitions in the 19th and 20th centuries were grounded in actual social practice, folk memories of the earlier veneration of the seventh-born of a family who then, in turn, regularly went about the community carrying out ritual healings.

As is well known, in other parts of Europe being a seventh-born son or daughter could be dangerous for it could confer unwelcome shape-shifting powers on the individual as well as the ability to visit others in their sleep. While we see that the person is assigned special powers, these are represented as harmful and therefore viewed in a negative light.

Specifically, such a person was destined to be a mare, a murawa, etc. Such an individual, according to popular belief, was double-skinned, capable of appearing to be asleep, yet at the same time going out and about, and when doing so, often taking the shape of some other creature The same semantic element is found in the French compound cauchemar. The German reflexes, as well as other etymologically linked terms encountered in Slavic languages, such as the Wendish expression Murraue Ashliman, ; Kuhn - Schwartz, [], pp.

Under all these denominations is designated that spectral being which places itself on the breast of the sleeping, depriving them of the powers of motion and utterance. These terms also refer to a more sinister being who, according to Basque belief, was said to appear to people when they were asleep. The attested dialectal variants of the word hamalau appear to include mamalo, mamarrao, mamarro, mamarrua, marrau, mamu, mahumahu and mahuma among others Azkue, [], II, pp.

The fearsome night visitor was also the creature called upon by parents to make their children behave. In the case of Sardu, this particular being is known as marragau, marragotti and mammoti In these examples we find different personifications of the figure of the night-visitor, as a spettro alongside a shape-shifted human, the mannaro.

These items appear to be cognates, differentiated primarily by the exchange of the bilabials: It therefore follows that the shamanic characteristics attributed to the Bear Son, the half-human, half-bear protagonist, his vision quest and adventures that allow him to acquire his spirit animal helpers and later shape-shift into them may have been transferred in some symbolic fashion to these seventh-born healers Frank, a, c, a.

In the eyes of those serving on the municipal councils whose duty it was to set forth the conditions and terms of the contracts and vote in favor of hiring the healers, the seventh-sons and daughters were viewed as legitimate health providers, even though we can identify admonitions by authorities of the Catholic Church inveighing against the saludadores.

Nonetheless, even members of the Catholic clergy were often fully complicit in the hirings.

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In other words, the priest was fully in agreement with the hire. The villagers were told that they should not hire such individuals. In short, there is evidence that for several centuries the admonitions of these authorities went relatively unheeded by the local populace and the healers continued to be contracted as before.